by Dr. iur. Marianne Wüthrich
“Neutrality is by far the most important principle of Swiss foreign policy. It serves as the guiding principle in major foreign policy matters. If every state were to commit itself to neither initiating war nor allowing itself to be drawn into a war instigated by others, then […] world peace would exist. Yet even if perpetual and armed neutrality is practised by just a single state, it remains a factor for peace.”1
We Swiss are facing a referendum that is of existential importance for the future of our country. It is important to speak out in favour of Switzerland’s perpetual armed neutrality, this cornerstone of our model of statehood, which guarantees our country’s freedom, sovereignty and independence. Let us not be misled by the absurd claim that joining military alliances would protect us against some kind of danger. As we know from history, it is neutrality that protects our country from being drawn into international conflicts. At the same time, it is the foundation of a credible peace policy.
‘Factsheet’: Good Offices – Federal Council overturns its own interpretation of neutrality
Just in time for the vote on the Neutrality Initiative, the Federal Council published a “Fact Sheet: Neutrality and Good Offices” on 3 July 2026, in which the inseparable link between Switzerland’s historically established good offices and neutrality is simply omitted. Instead, it claims that neutrality is “in principle not an indispensable prerequisite for offering good offices”. Good offices are, it argues, also offered by non-neutral states, “such as the USA, Norway or, more recently, Qatar and Pakistan”.
We have reached the point where the Federal Council mentions Switzerland’s good offices in the same breath as the US hegemon’s unscrupulous power games! Have we already forgotten that the US bombed its “negotiating partner” in the midst of peace talks with Iran? The fact that Pakistan and other non-belligerent parties offer their services in international conflicts on a case-by-case basis is a sign of the willingness – amongst people as well as states – to come to one another’s aid. Switzerland’s good offices, on the other hand, are closely intertwined with the country’s enduring neutrality and are perceived as such throughout the world. Of all people, the Federal Council – which has largely squandered Switzerland’s credibility as a neutral mediator or host state in recent years – now wants to convince voters that neutrality is not actually necessary for Switzerland to provide its good offices – “that’s the last straw”! Switzerland would be ideally suited to the negotiations between the US and Iran, given that it has represented the interests of the US in Tehran as a protecting power for decades. Restoring the international community’s trust in Switzerland’s impartiality is a key objective of the Neutrality Initiative.
Just a few years ago, the FDFA still had, at least in theory, a clear understanding of what Swiss neutrality meant. Although the 2022 information booklet “Switzerland’s Neutrality” justifies some of the problematic steps taken in recent decades to erode neutrality – such as the adoption of the EU’s sanctions against Russia, which contravene neutrality – it also contains many key statements on neutrality which we must urgently remind the Federal Council of today. Large sections of the FDFA’s booklet read like a case for the Neutrality Initiative. Below are some extracts.2
‘Neutrality is part of our identity’ (FDFA 2022)
“Our sense of identity as Swiss citizens is closely linked to neutrality. It is part of our identity and our heritage. It is therefore not surprising that, in the annual “Security” studies conducted by ETH Zurich, large majorities of respondents consistently express support for maintaining neutrality. Historically, neutrality has played a key role in Switzerland’s development as a state. It was mentioned as early as 1647 in documents of the Diet of that time. In 1815, it was recognised internationally at the Congress of Vienna. And from the founding of the federal state in 1848 to the present day, it has been a key element of our security and foreign policy.” (Foreword by Ignazio Cassis)
“A defining feature of Swiss identity. Even though neutrality is no longer necessary today to hold Switzerland – a nation founded on the will of its people – together across its religious, cultural and linguistic divides, it has remained an important part of Switzerland’s tradition, history and self-image, and that of its citizens. Neutrality enjoys strong support amongst the Swiss electorate, regardless of gender and across all age groups, all levels of education, all linguistic regions and across the entire political spectrum.”
‘Impartial Switzerland can build bridges where others are blocked’ (FDFA 2022)
“Drawing on its long tradition of good offices and humanitarian aid, Switzerland gives its neutrality a peace-oriented and humanitarian focus. It places its foreign policy and its neutrality at the service of international security, peace and solidarity. Neutrality serves to help shape peace in Europe and the world and to facilitate contact with dialogue partners.”
Neutrality as an opportunity for peacebuilding. “Thanks to its neutrality, its humanitarian tradition, its experience and expertise, Switzerland enjoys a high degree of credibility in the field of peacebuilding.”
“Its neutrality and the fact that Switzerland has no colonial past, does not belong to any power bloc and does not pursue a hidden agenda make it easier for the country to engage with a wide variety of dialogue partners and enable it to play a constructive role.”
Good offices. These include safeguarding the interests of third parties (protectorate mandates), facilitation and mediation: “Impartial Switzerland can build bridges where others are blocked […].” As well as its role as a host country: “This is based on Switzerland’s humanitarian tradition and its history of good offices. In particular, through the influence of International Geneva, which is home to numerous international organisations, this role helps to shape Switzerland’s image in the world.”
Law of neutrality
“The law of neutrality is enshrined in the Hague Conventions of 1907 on the rights and duties of neutral powers and persons in the event of war on land and at sea, which Switzerland ratified in 1910. […] The Hague Conventions of 1907 and customary international law are directly applicable in Switzerland.”
“The law of neutrality obliges a neutral state not to take part in any international armed conflicts. Similarly, a neutral state must not provide military assistance to belligerent parties, whether through the provision of troops, armaments or by making its own territory available. Furthermore, a neutral state must ensure the inviolability of its own territory […].”
“Switzerland’s neutrality thus prohibits it from making its territory and airspace available to belligerent states for the transport of troops or weapons, or from providing them with military support.”
“A belligerent state involved in an international armed conflict must not use the airspace of a neutral state for military purposes. The neutral state must not tolerate such acts, which are contrary to neutrality, within its airspace.”
“In peacetime, under the law of neutrality, a neutral state must not enter into any commitments which, in the event of war, would result in a breach of its neutrality.”
“Under the law of neutrality, a neutral state must treat all parties to a war equally with regard to the export of military equipment. Going beyond the law of neutrality, Switzerland has stipulated in its legislation on war material that exports of war material shall not be authorised if the country of destination is involved in an armed conflict.”
Policy of neutrality
“The policy of neutrality comprises all the measures taken by a state, beyond mere compliance with the law of neutrality, to maintain and promote the credibility and effectiveness of its status as a neutral state within the international community.”
Characteristics of Swiss neutrality
“Swiss neutrality is permanent. Switzerland remains neutral in any armed conflict between other states, whoever the belligerents may be, whenever and wherever war may break out.”
“Switzerland’s neutrality is armed. Switzerland has its own army to defend its independence and territorial integrity. The army also serves to prevent acts by belligerent states on its territory that contravene neutrality. […]”
“Permanent armed neutrality was internationally recognised at the Congress of Vienna in 1815 in a declaration by the major European powers: Russia, England, Prussia, Austria and France.”
When does neutrality not apply?
“Neutrality does not apply if the UN Security Council, acting under Chapter VII of the UN Charter, authorises measures to maintain or restore international peace and security.”
“Neutrality does not apply in the event of an armed attack by another state. In such a case, the neutral state concerned may defend itself by all lawful means at its disposal. This also includes cooperation with other states for the purpose of collective defence.”
These two rules are also set out in the Neutrality Initiative (paragraphs 2 and 3).
If one compares the Federal Council’s 2022 brochure on neutrality with its disgraceful “fact sheet” on good offices from 2026, there is only one conclusion: back to providing honest information to the public! •
1 Widmer, Paul. Schweizer Ausenpolitik. Von Charles Pictet de Rochemont bis Edouard Brunner (Swiss Foreign Policy: From Charles Pictet de Rochemont to Edouard Brunner). Zurich 2014. p. 25
2https://www.eda.admin.ch/eda/de/home/das-eda/publikationen.html/content/publikationen/de/eda/schweizer-aussenpolitik/Neutralitaet_Schweiz
mw. One upright Swiss figure who possessed the stature to later correct his move away from neutrality was Federal Councillor Giuseppe Motta, head of the Political Department (now the Federal Department of Foreign Affairs, FDFA). He had championed Switzerland’s accession to the League of Nations – and the consequent abandonment of its integral neutrality – a step approved by the Swiss people in 1920. Although Switzerland’s status as a neutral state exempted it from the obligation to participate in military sanctions, it was nonetheless required to join in imposing economic penalties on an aggressor. “Many had high hopes for the League of Nations,” writes Paul Widmer, “Motta hoped for even more than most others. He believed that a unique form of authority would emerge within the organisation.” According to Widmer, Motta consistently strove to gain general acceptance for mandatory arbitration in disputes between states, yet he was thwarted by the great powers; within the League – much like their modern-day successors in the UN – they viewed the organisation primarily as an instrument of power.1 On the eve of the Second World War, Switzerland found itself caught in a conflict between its obligation to impose sanctions on neighbouring Italy – with which it naturally maintained close economic ties – and its neutrality. Federal Councillor Motta rectified the serious error he had made in 1920 – a mistake that could have had disastrous consequences for Switzerland during the Second World War – by requesting that the League of Nations recognise Switzerland’s integral neutrality, a move that succeeded in 1938. After an exceptionally long tenure as a Federal Councillor (1915–1940), Giuseppe Motta died while he still held office.
Paul Widmer describes Motta as a “foreign minister who took office with a truly idealistic mindset, aiming to introduce Switzerland into the concert of powers, yet who ultimately had to be content if his country could simply maintain its traditional foreign policy of non-interference – a life’s work, then, that remained unfulfilled, if not outright unsuccessful, in terms of its original objectives. Yet there also remain the traces of a shrewd course of ‘Realpolitik’ that Motta adopted and successfully steered under the pressure of adverse times. […] Taken together – both the failure and the proven mettle – these elements bring into clearer focus the image of a great figure within the Federal Council.” (Widmer, pp. 300–301)
Our current Federal Councillors are called upon to likewise acknowledge their failure and return to a Swiss policy of neutrality worthy of the name.
1 Widmer, Paul. “Schweizer Ausenpolitik. Von Charles Pictet de Rochemont bis Edouard Brunner”, Zurich 2014, p. 258.
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