Switzerland in the interwar period from 1918 to 1939

During the First World War (1914–1918), Switzerland sought to uphold its traditional, armed neutrality. At the outbreak of the war, the political situation in Switzerland was still very unstable. German-speaking Switzerland tended to sympathise with the German Empire, whilst French-speaking Switzerland sided with France. It took the words of warning from Carl Spitteler (1845–1924), who later won the Nobel Prize in Literature, to strengthen the country’s internal cohesion. 
    In his “Unser Schweizer Standpunkt” (Our Swiss Standpoint) speech, he explained: 
    “Above all, we must be clear about what we want. Do we or do we not wish to remain a Swiss state that presents a united front to the outside world? […] The people of French-speaking Switzerland are in danger of being tempted to align themselves too closely with France; for us, the opposite is true. In both cases, admonition, warning and correction are necessary. […] Well then, in the face of this immense international suffering, let us fill our hearts with silent emotion and our souls with reverence, and above all, let us take our hats off. Then we shall be standing on the correct, neutral Swiss standpoint.” 
    This call for a rational, neutral stance on the part of Switzerland, alongside other conciliatory voices, helped restore greater internal cohesion to the Swiss political landscape. It thus emerged – despite all the restrictions – relatively unscathed from the war. Overall, it can be said that the First World War strengthened the unifying power of neutrality. 

Consequences of the First World War – General Strike of 1918

Whilst this unifying force managed to bring together this multicultural and multi-religious country, clear social divisions began to emerge as the war progressed. With the national strike of November 1918 – a nationwide general strike – the federal state plunged into its most severe political crisis. As in other European countries, social unrest reached a peak at the end of the First World War. The Olten Action Committee (OAK) – an alliance of leading trade unionists and Social Democrats – threatened strikes and put political demands on the agenda. Added to this was the bourgeoisie’s fear that a development similar to that which had led to the 1917 revolution in Russia might unfold in Switzerland. The Federal Council decided to mobilise the army against the protesters. Nevertheless, the OAK called for an indefinite general strike and, at the same time, drew up a comprehensive list of reforms. The proclamation contained nine demands, some political and some social in nature. Among other things, it called for the immediate re-election of the National Council under proportional representation, the introduction of women’s suffrage, the 48-hour working week, the safeguarding of food supplies, and old-age and surviver’s insurance (OASI).
    The OAK, increasingly fearing a violent crackdown on the strike by the army, called off the strike after just two days. However, a number of key social policy demands were subsequently introduced via referendums. For instance, thanks to the proportional representation system, the left-wing parties won more seats in the National Council in the national elections. A massive reduction in working hours was also achieved with the introduction of the 48-hour week, and the AHV project later led to a significant shift in social policy.

The significance of neutrality for Switzerland

The establishment of the League of Nations in 1920 marked the beginning of an active period in Swiss foreign policy. The Federal Council decided to apply for membership and resolved to put the decision to a vote by the people and the cantons. This step represented a significant extension of direct democracy into the realm of the country’s international relations. The Council of the League of Nations ultimately confirmed that, should Switzerland become a member, it would be exempt from military sanctions but not from economic sanctions. From then on, Switzerland was to describe its neutrality not as “integral” but as “differential”. On 16 May 1920, the people (56 per cent) and, by a very narrow margin, the cantons (11½:10½) approved Switzerland’s accession to the League of Nations. Geneva prevailed over international competition to become the seat of the League of Nations. 
    Switzerland became even more involved in arbitration proceedings, particularly through the participation of Swiss nationals in dispute settlements under the peace treaties of 1918–19. With the rise of totalitarian regimes, Japan, Germany and Italy withdrew from the League of Nations during the 1930s. In the wake of the League of Nations’ sanctions against Italy over its war in Abyssinia (from 1935), Switzerland returned to “integral” neutrality on 14 May 1938, with the approval of the Council of the League of Nations. This status exempted it not only from military but also from economic sanctions obligations. From then on, Switzerland expanded its good offices, represented the diplomatic interests of other countries through numerous mandates, and thus promoted the settlement of disputes between them.

The global economic crisis and Switzerland 

The global economic crisis of 1929 unfolded differently in Switzerland than in other countries. Although it hit the export sector early on, the sharp downturn did not begin until 1931 due to the favourable performance of the domestic economy. The low point in 1932 was followed by a period of stagnation lasting until 1936, during which unemployment rose. Conversely, agreements between the parties and associations gained in importance. The fundamental change in relations between employers and employees, which had been based on greater dialogue and trust since the national strike, now paid off. This led to an increase in the number of collective labour agreements being concluded, resulting in fewer strikes.
    There were also anti-democratic forces in Switzerland, such as the Communists and the Frontists. Although these relatively small groups achieved some success, they were never able to pose a fundamental threat to the existing institutions or to democracy. At that time, there was a broad anti-totalitarian consensus amongst the Swiss population.
    In this political climate, the social democratic and trade unionist camp and the bourgeois camp negotiated important compromises regarding economic policy. For instance, job creation and military rearmament were linked (the 1936 Defence Loan), and the principle of collective labour agreements was extended. This ultimately culminated in 1937 in the machinery and metal industry in the so-called “Peace Agreement”, which promoted lasting industrial peace.

Europe’s path to the Second World War

Whilst Switzerland returned to “integral” neutrality, the threat of war in Europe grew steadily. Germany unleashed the Second World War on 1 September 1939 with its invasion of Poland. A good week earlier, the Hitler–Stalin Pact had shocked the European left. Whilst the Soviet Union now occupied the eastern part of Poland promised to it in a secret agreement and attempted to bring Finland to its knees during the Winter War of 1939–40, Hitler pressed ahead with his “blitzkriegs” in the rest of Europe. Following the fall of Paris on 14 June 1940, Switzerland found itself surrounded by totalitarian powers. Faced with this extremely difficult situation, the Federal Council remained silent for a long time. When Federal President Marcel Pilet-Golaz (1889–1958) delivered a conciliatory speech on 25 June 1940, the Swiss population was deeply unsettled. It was not until General Henri Guisan’s (1874–1960) Rütli Report on 25 July 1940 and the Réduit strategy that tempers were somewhat calmed. Subsequently, during the war years, Switzerland sought to strike a delicate balance between accommodation and resistance. •

The article was first published in the Schweizerische Kirchenzeitung (SKZ) on 5 and 12 March 2026.