mw. “A man runs across a zebra crossing in the centre of Lausanne, filming with his mobile phone in his hand. He shouts at a group of men standing on the pavement. ‘Aren’t you ashamed?’ he shouts in Farsi. At first, the men seem taken aback. Then they try to hide their faces and run away. But the man filming doesn’t let up; he continues towards them. ‘Don’t go away!’ he shouts, ‘Why are you running away? Where are you running to, traitor? Traitor!’ ”
This is how a sensationalist story begins in the “Neue Zürcher Zeitung”, with a sensationalist headline and lead: “The Iranian mullahs’ Swiss shadow network. On the trail of a secretive network of regime supporters that has come under increased scrutiny from the security authorities since the Iran War.”1 Across two pages of the newspaper, the authors stir up readers’ emotions and engage in opinion manipulation of the worst kind. For the man who is shown on his mobile phone chasing his fellow citizens whilst screaming is not a supporter of the Iranian government at all, but, on closer reading, turns out to be one of its opponents. However, with this inflammatory story and the eerie image of a human shadow on a pedestrian crossing, readers are deliberately steered in a different direction. The propaganda is reinforced by the first twelve online comments (it remains unclear how many of these are from readers), all of which call for the immediate expulsion of Iranian citizens loyal to the government from Switzerland.
In doing so, the editorial team is heeding Federal Councillor Martin Pfister’s call for the “quality media with high journalistic standards” to play an active role in shaping public opinion. According to Pfister’s “Security Policy Strategy 2026”, the media are to reinforce the state’s control over public opinion.2 An alarming “deal” between the executive and the so-called Fourth Estate – which, in a democracy, should actually be tasked with critically scrutinising state activities!
In their emotionally charged article, the journalists are effectively hounding three Iranian immigrants living in Lausanne who, following the assassination of their head of state, met with others there for a memorial service. One of the three, incidentally, is a Swiss citizen. They are invading their privacy, pillorying them by name, picture and professional details, and publicising their “allegedly close ties to the regime”. For example, one of them is said to be married to a woman whose father, “according to sources within the Iranian community”, is a professor at a university in Tehran that serves as a “training ground” for Revolutionary Guards. Collective punishment at its finest!
Having thoroughly torn the three Iranians to shreds, it is rather embarrassing that the authors ultimately have to admit: “There is no evidence of illegal activities [by X, Y and Z].” But they are “part of a pattern”, namely “that Swiss universities have repeatedly admitted students whose families belong to the elite of the Iranian power apparatus”. That is a trivial point: logically, many people from political elites’ study abroad. The journalists demand that the EPFL implement stricter admission controls. Do the journalists wish to accuse the “École Polytechnique Fédérale de Lausanne EPFL” (the French-speaking Swiss counterpart to ETH Zurich) of allowing high-achieving scientists from all over the world, including Iran, to successfully complete their studies there and subsequently work in cutting-edge technology?
The article boils down to the question: “How is it possible that supporters of the regime are studying in Switzerland, that they meet here, live together, work together and conduct research?” Are we actually living in a police state here? Who lives and works with whom is nobody’s business – not the journalists’, not the readers’, nor anyone else’s. There are Iranians living in Switzerland who support their government, and those who oppose it. They, like everyone else in our country, enjoy the fundamental right to freedom of expression. This also includes the right to live in peace with one’s opinions, free from state-sponsored and media-driven witch hunts. •
1 Baumgartner, Fabian; Schoop, Florian; Ludwig, Jan; Lemcke, Anja (illustration). “The Swiss shadow network of the Iranian mullahs” In: Neue Zürcher Zeitung of 31 March 2026
2 see “DDPS Chief Martin Pfister – The media as an auxiliary force against freedom of information?” In: Current Concerns No. 4, 24 February 2026, https://www.zeit-fragen.ch/en/archives/2026/nr-4-17-february-2026/for-a-small-country-like-switzerland-there-is-only-one-option-perpetual-armed-neutrality
Notes on Swiss neutrality V
ro. In the ongoing debate surrounding the neutrality initiative, it is repeatedly claimed that Swiss neutrality is merely a foreign policy tool and a means to an end.
The fact is: Swiss neutrality is far more than that. It guarantees the independence and sovereignty of our country today and for future generations. It must also be the foundation of our security policy. Neutrality is the soul of Switzerland!
It is also claimed that our neutrality should be reassessed in relation to every political situation.
The fact is: Swiss neutrality as such is immutable and cannot simply be adapted to every new political situation. It has evolved over the course of Swiss history and should reflect the inner convictions of those involved in politics within the neutral state. Only consistent and credible neutrality protects us from international conflicts, strengthens our role as a mediator, and guarantees long-term stability and security.
Finally, it is also claimed that Swiss neutrality must be applied flexibly and constantly redefined.
The fact is: If neutrality is applied ‘flexibly’, as the Federal Council wishes, Swiss neutrality will lose its credibility. To ensure that such a political practice is no longer possible, the initiative seeks to define neutrality clearly in the Federal Constitution. This will impose the necessary constraints on our executive; otherwise, there is a risk of political dependencies and uncertainties regarding security policy.
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